South Sudan President Salva Kiir. FILE | AFRICA REVIEW |
By MACHEL AMOS in Juba and REEM ABBAS in Khartoum
Posted Thursday, April 12 2012 at 15:05 @ http://bit.ly/J6w2yr
The possibility of Sudan and South Sudan returning to war looked more real Friday as both sides remained defiant over a contested oil-rich region.
South Sudan President Salva Kiir ruled out withdrawal from Heglig, as Khartoum vowed to fight a "war of dignity" with the former to reclaim the lost territory.
South Sudan took control of Heglig from Sudanese forces on Tuesday in fresh clashes with the Khartoum Armed Forces.
The UN and the African Union have called for South Sudan's immediate withdrawal from Heglig.
President Kiir said Khartoum took it as a military weakness when he ordered the troops to refrain from overrunning Heglig last month.
It was not. But we always believed that everything could be resolved by peaceful means, President Kiir stressed.
This time, I said that I would not order the forces to withdraw, said the President, amid applause from a packed House.
He said the decision was not because South Sudan was interested in war, but only wanted to resolve the problem once and for all.
In Khartoum, the minister for Defence, Mr Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Hussein, said that the conflict was part of a plot to "overthrow the regime".
"Taking over the oil-fields is the first step, to be followed by taking over a key town in Southern Kordofan, then taking over Khartoum," he told parliament.
Heglig is part of South Kordofan State where a rebellion against the Khartoum government has raged since last June.
However, the area was also contested with South Sudan because the latter believed that in the 1956 border demarcation, Heglig was part of its Unity State.
Sudan denies the claims and has vowed to reclaim what it considers to be occupied territories.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon, in a phone call on Wednesday, urged President Kiir to order his forces to withdraw immediately.
The UN Secretary General gave me an order to immediately withdraw from Heglig. I said I am not under your command, Kiir said, attracting applause.
Withdraw troops
President Kiir accused UN and the international community of being unfair in handling the matters between the two neighbouring states.
Whatever aerial bombardments were being conducted in South Sudan were a violation of our sovereignty. When we report them to the international community, they don't take it as something that concerns them, President Kiir said, arguing that whenever Juba took a step in self-defence, it became a matter of international concern.
"You are not doing justice to all of us," said the South Sudan leader.
"You want to see justice done to Sudan and not South Sudan, and this is unfair."
President Kiir also warned that if his Sudan counterpart Hassan Al-Bashir did not withdraw troops from Abyei, despite international calls to do so, Juba would reconsider it position and possibly return to the contested region.
Meanwhile, Sudan intensified aerial bombardments on Thursday, dropping four rounds of bombs in Bentiu, the capital of Unity State.
Unity State Information minister Gideon Gatpan said a SAF warplane hovered over the area in the morning and dropped the bombs on Rubkona County.
He said the target was oilfields. The army spokesman, Col Philip Aguer, confirmed the bombing, accusing Sudan of provoking a meaningless fighting.
Sudan TV stated Wednesday in a news broadcast that many youths had come forward to join the armed forces to get back their country's lost territory.
In another development, a Sudanese parliamentarian has donated $374,000 (1 million pounds) to support the war efforts against South Sudan.
Sudan has filed a complaint against South Sudan at the UN Security Council and asked the Security Council to pressure Juba into retreating from its territory.
"Sudan has full rights in international law and UN documents to respond to this attack on Sudan's peace and unity," said Khartoum's UN ambassador Dafallah Al-Haj Ali
A presidential aide, Mr Abdel-Rahman Al Mahdi; said that "Sudan will not fold its hands while Heglig is occupied and will work to get back its territories that were raped as an act of self defence".
"Sudan is not really a country at all, but many. A composite layers, like a genetic fingerprint of memories that were once fluid, but have since crystallized out from the crucible of possibility" Jamal Mahjoub, a Sudanese novelist
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Friday, April 13, 2012
Friday, February 17, 2012
Published: Sudan continues crackdown on voices of dissent
Published @ http://ch16.org/2012/02/02/sudan-continues-crackdown-on-voices-of-dissent/
KHARTOUM : The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) arrested twelve youth activists from the popular groups, Girifna (We are Fed Up) and Youth for Change over the last week in the Sudanese Capital Khartoum. Other members of Girifna are reportedly being pursued by security officials.
There has been shrinking space for freedom of expression since Arab Spring uprisings in neighbouring North African nations began in late 2010. The government of Sudan has tightened the noose on youth and opposition groups that are calling for change as well as cracked down on independent media. Since July 2011, 8 newspapers have been suspended by the security forces. Only two English newspapers are surviving in Sudan as five newspapers were suspended after the South Sudan secession in 2011.
Some newspapers like Rai Al Shab and Ahjras Al Hurriya were suspended for their affiliation with opposition parties while others Alwan, an independent newspaper was shut down under unclear circumstances.
Many opposition parties have members in detention. Dr. Bushra Gamar and Dr. Abdelmoniem Rahma, both from Sudan People’s Liberation Movement -North Faction (SPLM-N), a movement currently prohibited in Sudan, have been in detention since June and September, respectively.
Taj Al Sir Gaafar, a student at the University of Khartoum who belongs to the opposition movement, HAQ, has been in detention since December 2011. Calls for the release of the detainees have not yielded much action from President Omar Al Bashir’s government.
Since early 2011 when the Arab Spring began, opposition groups have publicly called for regime-change as the only way forward for Sudan. President Bashir who heads the current ruling party, the National Congress Party, came to power in 1989 after staging a military coup and overthrowing a democratically-elected government. Since then, Sudan has been embroiled in violent conflicts.
Currently Bashir’s government is fighting different rebel groups in different parts of the country. The government has also been accused of mismanaging billions of oil revenues. Sudan began exporting oil in the late 1990s, although a number of high-rise buildings were added to Khartoum’s skyline, little has changed for the majority of Sudanese citizens.
In January and February 2011 hundreds of Sudanese youth participated in an unprecedented wave of street demonstrations. It is estimated that at least 113 were arrested during those protests; some detainees including Girifna members reported abuse during detention. The youth were released, but some ahve reportedly been under surveillance after their release to monitor their political activities.
Khartoum has also seen protests against the alarming increase in commodity prices. The protests against high prices have spread to Kassala, a city in Eastern Sudan, where students held mass protests but faced a brutal crackdown far away from the national and international media eye.
In late 2011 there was a boycott on meat as people looked for different ways to beat the government crack down. Supermarkets that have previously had all products began stocking up on basic commodities and lessening their purchase of products now seen as luxury such as jam and tuna.
Sudan also faces continued protest by the Manasir, an ethnic group from Northern Sudan who have held a sit-in in River Nile State against displacement and lack of compensation as a result of the construction of the Merowe dam. The dam was built on Manasir land and directly displaced thousands of ethnic Manasir.
The government of Sudan defends the dam and is currently building two other controversial dams as an attempt to boost electricity supply to all parts of Sudan. Power cuts remain a daily reality for the 40 million citizens of Sudan. With all these protests the government has increased its highhandedness.
Students of Zalingei University (West Darfur) demonstrating in December 2010.
A Sudanese youth whom I spoke to but cannot mention because of their safety said they have been targeted.
” My friend and I ran out of his house when we noticed two cars parked outside. We ran down small alleyways while the cars tried to catch up with us,” said A.S who was forced to leave his house for security reasons on Friday. A.S also had to stop using his phone as it is bugged and could be used to track his movements.
Another female member of Girifna reported that her phone was bugged and her house is under constant surveillance by the NISS.
“When I went home after Wednesday’s event, I found an NISS vehicle and officers watching my house,” said R.S.
Members of the NISS are immune to trials and can detain activists for up to 9 months on the pretext of defending national security. Cases of torture were reported inside NISS premises, which are usually government-owned houses in residential neighborhoods.
This followed held on January 25 to commemorate the 7th anniversary of the Port Sudan massacre where at least 22 were killed and over 400 were injured following clashes between security and protestors asking for an end to the marginalization of Eastern Sudan. The event featured speakers from East Sudan to speak about the ongoing humanitarian crises and neglect there. Girifna has been working for change in Sudan since 2009.
All those detainees do not know their fate until a decision is taken by government and in some cases they are forced to sign documents promising to stop their political activities before release. In other cases, they have to go to court for charges ranging from public nuisance to conspiring against the state and cases usually drag on for a few months.
Commentators have asked when will the Arab spring reach Sudan, which is well, qualified looking at political and economic problems and ongoing humanitarian crises. The important question is not when the revolution will reach Sudan but in what form would it reach.
Last year, rebel groups from Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile and even East Sudan joined forced and created the Sudan Revolutionary Front, which calls for an armed struggle to overthrow the government as an alternative. Although people in Central and Northern Sudan are keen on regime-change, there is still a divide between the advantaged Central and Northern Sudan and the marginalized other parts on how to bring about regime change.
Change in Sudan is inevitable, protests are ongoing but until Sudanese people from different groups unite, the government will continue to easily crash dissent and pit groups against others.
KHARTOUM : The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) arrested twelve youth activists from the popular groups, Girifna (We are Fed Up) and Youth for Change over the last week in the Sudanese Capital Khartoum. Other members of Girifna are reportedly being pursued by security officials.
There has been shrinking space for freedom of expression since Arab Spring uprisings in neighbouring North African nations began in late 2010. The government of Sudan has tightened the noose on youth and opposition groups that are calling for change as well as cracked down on independent media. Since July 2011, 8 newspapers have been suspended by the security forces. Only two English newspapers are surviving in Sudan as five newspapers were suspended after the South Sudan secession in 2011.
Some newspapers like Rai Al Shab and Ahjras Al Hurriya were suspended for their affiliation with opposition parties while others Alwan, an independent newspaper was shut down under unclear circumstances.
Many opposition parties have members in detention. Dr. Bushra Gamar and Dr. Abdelmoniem Rahma, both from Sudan People’s Liberation Movement -North Faction (SPLM-N), a movement currently prohibited in Sudan, have been in detention since June and September, respectively.
Taj Al Sir Gaafar, a student at the University of Khartoum who belongs to the opposition movement, HAQ, has been in detention since December 2011. Calls for the release of the detainees have not yielded much action from President Omar Al Bashir’s government.
Since early 2011 when the Arab Spring began, opposition groups have publicly called for regime-change as the only way forward for Sudan. President Bashir who heads the current ruling party, the National Congress Party, came to power in 1989 after staging a military coup and overthrowing a democratically-elected government. Since then, Sudan has been embroiled in violent conflicts.
Currently Bashir’s government is fighting different rebel groups in different parts of the country. The government has also been accused of mismanaging billions of oil revenues. Sudan began exporting oil in the late 1990s, although a number of high-rise buildings were added to Khartoum’s skyline, little has changed for the majority of Sudanese citizens.
In January and February 2011 hundreds of Sudanese youth participated in an unprecedented wave of street demonstrations. It is estimated that at least 113 were arrested during those protests; some detainees including Girifna members reported abuse during detention. The youth were released, but some ahve reportedly been under surveillance after their release to monitor their political activities.
Khartoum has also seen protests against the alarming increase in commodity prices. The protests against high prices have spread to Kassala, a city in Eastern Sudan, where students held mass protests but faced a brutal crackdown far away from the national and international media eye.
In late 2011 there was a boycott on meat as people looked for different ways to beat the government crack down. Supermarkets that have previously had all products began stocking up on basic commodities and lessening their purchase of products now seen as luxury such as jam and tuna.
Sudan also faces continued protest by the Manasir, an ethnic group from Northern Sudan who have held a sit-in in River Nile State against displacement and lack of compensation as a result of the construction of the Merowe dam. The dam was built on Manasir land and directly displaced thousands of ethnic Manasir.
The government of Sudan defends the dam and is currently building two other controversial dams as an attempt to boost electricity supply to all parts of Sudan. Power cuts remain a daily reality for the 40 million citizens of Sudan. With all these protests the government has increased its highhandedness.
Students of Zalingei University (West Darfur) demonstrating in December 2010.
A Sudanese youth whom I spoke to but cannot mention because of their safety said they have been targeted.
” My friend and I ran out of his house when we noticed two cars parked outside. We ran down small alleyways while the cars tried to catch up with us,” said A.S who was forced to leave his house for security reasons on Friday. A.S also had to stop using his phone as it is bugged and could be used to track his movements.
Another female member of Girifna reported that her phone was bugged and her house is under constant surveillance by the NISS.
“When I went home after Wednesday’s event, I found an NISS vehicle and officers watching my house,” said R.S.
Members of the NISS are immune to trials and can detain activists for up to 9 months on the pretext of defending national security. Cases of torture were reported inside NISS premises, which are usually government-owned houses in residential neighborhoods.
This followed held on January 25 to commemorate the 7th anniversary of the Port Sudan massacre where at least 22 were killed and over 400 were injured following clashes between security and protestors asking for an end to the marginalization of Eastern Sudan. The event featured speakers from East Sudan to speak about the ongoing humanitarian crises and neglect there. Girifna has been working for change in Sudan since 2009.
All those detainees do not know their fate until a decision is taken by government and in some cases they are forced to sign documents promising to stop their political activities before release. In other cases, they have to go to court for charges ranging from public nuisance to conspiring against the state and cases usually drag on for a few months.
Commentators have asked when will the Arab spring reach Sudan, which is well, qualified looking at political and economic problems and ongoing humanitarian crises. The important question is not when the revolution will reach Sudan but in what form would it reach.
Last year, rebel groups from Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile and even East Sudan joined forced and created the Sudan Revolutionary Front, which calls for an armed struggle to overthrow the government as an alternative. Although people in Central and Northern Sudan are keen on regime-change, there is still a divide between the advantaged Central and Northern Sudan and the marginalized other parts on how to bring about regime change.
Change in Sudan is inevitable, protests are ongoing but until Sudanese people from different groups unite, the government will continue to easily crash dissent and pit groups against others.
Sunday, December 25, 2011
Why the North is Silent
-I would like to thank S.O and A.A for contributing to this article and engaging in long discussions with me.
-I tried publishing this article in an attempt to get more feedback...to no avail :)
Definition of the North: in this article the North refers to Central and North Sudan. Usually seen as one entity by the rest of the country, but in fact, it is a divided region where the Nubians feel marginalized by the Ja'alyeen and Shaigiya of River Nile state. However, inter-marriages and Arabization have helped unite the region in recent decades.
The Sudanese people have it much worse than their North African counterparts, but why is the entire population not out in the streets chanting "the people want to overthrow the government"?
Social media activists have jokingly said that the Arab Spring will not reach Sudan simply because we don't have this season in Sudan, but as I'm glued to Al-Jazeera and Twitter trying to stay up to date with the Arab Spring that continues to unfold, I stop thinking of the four seasons and my mind goes back to 2005 in an attempt to understand the silence in Khartoum.
It was a bright day for Sudan when John Garang became Sudan's First Vice President in July 2005. He was going to run for presidency and I was going to vote for him. Even my grandmother who hails from the Ja'aliya strong-hold town of Berber stated that he is her candidate of choice.
He was single-handedly going to change Sudan, we believed. He was a charismatic leader who was going to unite a battered country. Three weeks later, he died in a plane crash and my hopes and Sudan's unity were buried with him. In the week following his death, Sudan's ethnic divisions became even more obvious. We watched as Southern Sudanese youth believing that the plane crash was not an accident engaged in violent riots, looting and vandalizing office windows and businesses. Clashes ensued with security forces and individuals believed to be of Northern Sudanese origin.
The conflict for the first time came to Khartoum, the capital of Sudan and the center of dominance and dominant tribes. For the first time, Northern Sudanese were the ones being attacked and for the first time, we asked the naive American question of post-9/11, Why do they hate us so much?
There was no time to assess the situation. If Sudan was a household, we spent the next week silent at the dinner table until we forgot what happened, or pushed it to the back of our minds.
Fast-forward to May 2008 when the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) forces launched an attack to overthrow the Sudanese government. The attack which culminated in street fights in Omdurman, the national capital and one of Khartoum's twin cities, sent chills through the spine of North Sudan.
Suddenly, people started thinking about the periphery and trying to revisit earlier events to try to understand the rift between Central Sudan and the rest of Sudan. Estimates show us that not less than 400,000 lost their lives in Darfur, but Darfur was not a reality until it came to Khartoum.
The JEM attack helped start a dialogue about Darfur and the marginalization of the regions outside River Nile state in trying to understand why the periphery revolted.
Those two incidents have, in our opinion, inspired more North Sudanese support for the government as they cuddled around the government for protection.
Even months after secession, there is fear in Sudan's heartland. People are aware of the struggles in the periphery and are aware that the government's policies have created downright resentment and have bred grudges from Nyala to Damazin, from Kadugli to Suakin.
When a few weeks ago, 3 Darfur movements and the SPLM-North Faction announced the creation of an alliance (later joined by the Beja Congress) called the Sudan Revolutionary Front. Once again, people in Khartoum started speaking of a bitter periphery that is not only resentful of the government but also of the Northern people. Reactions to the alliance sparked two perspectives within the North.
Firstly, Khartoum needs to revolt as soon as possible to show the periphery that it seriously wants change that is in favor of democracy and equality and is adamant on preserving the rest of Sudan in light of the recent secession. The revolt will also be peaceful as opposed to an armed revolt that it pushed forward by the SRF.
Secondly, as a people we simply need to support the government because any change brought about by the SRF will be against Sudanese hailing from North/Central. They will be disfranchised and persecuted for the policies of successive governments.
- It is a fact that the North is a powerful constituency, it has an abundant amount of wealth and as a result of education opportunities, Northerners were able to immigrate to rich gulf-countries and the west and were able to generate more wealth than others. However, it is also a fact that anyone not in a position of power or related to someone powerful in Sudan is marginalized. You do not have fair access to jobs and other opportunities if you are not NCP. If this struggle is evident for Northerners, people from other regions have even more poignant struggles and this is why the North needs to revolt. It needs to stand up for Sudan as a whole; it needs to stand up against the government with the rest of Sudan. Hundreds of thousands protested in Mahalla Al Kobra in Egypt in 2007 and 2008, but the protests only gained momentum when they reached Tahrir, in downtown Cairo. The revolution needs to start in Khartoum, in the national capital and the heartland of Sudan's power and wealth and it needs to represent Sudan's search not only for democracy, but most importantly for social justice.
If it was just about overthrowing the government, then Egyptians would have left Tahrir in February and moved on with their lives. They could have entrusted the military with their revolution and waited for the elections. But they did not. They are now in Tahrir, losing their eyes and sacrificing their lives for total change and to be freed of a military rule? And why is that?
After overthrowing the Mubarak regime, they realized that the pursuit of social justice and democracy is not limited to removing a military dictatorship. If Egypt is ever going to have a proper democracy, it needs to have a civilian government and the military has controlled Egypt since its 1952 revolution. As we learn from Tahrir, we need to realize that Sudan doesn’t need an armed revolt, it needs a peaceful revolt. It needs a Tahrir moment followed by a civilian government. The military should be respected for its responsibilities, 1-to fight an invading army 2- to help the government during natural disasters.
On the other hand, the SRF wants an armed revolt to overthrow the government and take over power. We tell you, an armed liberation movement like the SRF is exactly like a military dictatorship with a better name. There is vast amount of literature opposing armed struggles as liberation movements capable of bringing about change. They end up growing into repressive dictatorships. This is the last thing needed in Sudan. If the SRF is made up of movements interested in improving the quality of life for their respective citizens and acquiring fair political representation, then they need to support a peaceful revolt in Khartoum and beyond.
Moving on to the second debate, it is important to note that the fears harbored by the Northern-Central Sudanese population are exacerbated by the government, the media and sadly, the periphery. In the opinion pieces published by Sudan Tribune, the opposition and JEM-affiliates seem to harbor anti-Northern sentiments.
In a recently published opinion piece entitled: The Sudanese Revolutionary Front- Right Way to the United and New Sudan. The author started off by discussing some misconceptions about the "Arab North", but ultimately ended up doing the same mistake as all the others he's criticizing. He started off by saying that the often misunderstood problem in Sudan is essentially a problem of racism implanted by a discriminating regime, and that the people of Khartoum themselves (often vilified in media) are victims of such a misconception. Agreed. However, he goes on to make the same mistake by singling out and targeting the “people of River Nile State” and accusing them of amplifying and imposing their 'Arab history and origins' on all of Sudan. We are wary of that approach as it just perpetuates this whole Arab North vs. Rest of Sudan dilemma. Sudan has tribal issues, however, we do not think that the Sudanese population want to disenfranchise any specific tribe economically or politically. It's a matter of social tribalism that has been inflated by this current regime and not the people of River Nile State and could be assuaged by a visionary leader/party who has the interest of the whole country at heart.
Hope and Change
As a conscious group of authors, we seriously doubt that the NCP is capable of reforms. Years of trying to negotiate with the NCP have been a total waste of time. The end result, usually a hefty publication with guidelines on how to end Sudan's disasters, is stored in a drawer or is somewhere gathering dust on a shelf. The NCP is interested in staying in power and if dialogue buys them time, they would engage in it for this reason, not because they are interested in changing their policies.
It is sad that under the NCP's watch, Sudan lost 25% of its population, it is even sadder that so far, it is not learning from its mistakes. This is why Sudan needs change; Sudan needs CPR in the form of a revolution. Only a regime-change will put it on the right track, to solving its internal conflicts and transitioning into a proper state instead of a governmental company where ministries and institutes are businesses.
-I tried publishing this article in an attempt to get more feedback...to no avail :)
Definition of the North: in this article the North refers to Central and North Sudan. Usually seen as one entity by the rest of the country, but in fact, it is a divided region where the Nubians feel marginalized by the Ja'alyeen and Shaigiya of River Nile state. However, inter-marriages and Arabization have helped unite the region in recent decades.
The Sudanese people have it much worse than their North African counterparts, but why is the entire population not out in the streets chanting "the people want to overthrow the government"?
Social media activists have jokingly said that the Arab Spring will not reach Sudan simply because we don't have this season in Sudan, but as I'm glued to Al-Jazeera and Twitter trying to stay up to date with the Arab Spring that continues to unfold, I stop thinking of the four seasons and my mind goes back to 2005 in an attempt to understand the silence in Khartoum.
It was a bright day for Sudan when John Garang became Sudan's First Vice President in July 2005. He was going to run for presidency and I was going to vote for him. Even my grandmother who hails from the Ja'aliya strong-hold town of Berber stated that he is her candidate of choice.
He was single-handedly going to change Sudan, we believed. He was a charismatic leader who was going to unite a battered country. Three weeks later, he died in a plane crash and my hopes and Sudan's unity were buried with him. In the week following his death, Sudan's ethnic divisions became even more obvious. We watched as Southern Sudanese youth believing that the plane crash was not an accident engaged in violent riots, looting and vandalizing office windows and businesses. Clashes ensued with security forces and individuals believed to be of Northern Sudanese origin.
The conflict for the first time came to Khartoum, the capital of Sudan and the center of dominance and dominant tribes. For the first time, Northern Sudanese were the ones being attacked and for the first time, we asked the naive American question of post-9/11, Why do they hate us so much?
There was no time to assess the situation. If Sudan was a household, we spent the next week silent at the dinner table until we forgot what happened, or pushed it to the back of our minds.
Fast-forward to May 2008 when the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) forces launched an attack to overthrow the Sudanese government. The attack which culminated in street fights in Omdurman, the national capital and one of Khartoum's twin cities, sent chills through the spine of North Sudan.
Suddenly, people started thinking about the periphery and trying to revisit earlier events to try to understand the rift between Central Sudan and the rest of Sudan. Estimates show us that not less than 400,000 lost their lives in Darfur, but Darfur was not a reality until it came to Khartoum.
The JEM attack helped start a dialogue about Darfur and the marginalization of the regions outside River Nile state in trying to understand why the periphery revolted.
Those two incidents have, in our opinion, inspired more North Sudanese support for the government as they cuddled around the government for protection.
Even months after secession, there is fear in Sudan's heartland. People are aware of the struggles in the periphery and are aware that the government's policies have created downright resentment and have bred grudges from Nyala to Damazin, from Kadugli to Suakin.
When a few weeks ago, 3 Darfur movements and the SPLM-North Faction announced the creation of an alliance (later joined by the Beja Congress) called the Sudan Revolutionary Front. Once again, people in Khartoum started speaking of a bitter periphery that is not only resentful of the government but also of the Northern people. Reactions to the alliance sparked two perspectives within the North.
Firstly, Khartoum needs to revolt as soon as possible to show the periphery that it seriously wants change that is in favor of democracy and equality and is adamant on preserving the rest of Sudan in light of the recent secession. The revolt will also be peaceful as opposed to an armed revolt that it pushed forward by the SRF.
Secondly, as a people we simply need to support the government because any change brought about by the SRF will be against Sudanese hailing from North/Central. They will be disfranchised and persecuted for the policies of successive governments.
- It is a fact that the North is a powerful constituency, it has an abundant amount of wealth and as a result of education opportunities, Northerners were able to immigrate to rich gulf-countries and the west and were able to generate more wealth than others. However, it is also a fact that anyone not in a position of power or related to someone powerful in Sudan is marginalized. You do not have fair access to jobs and other opportunities if you are not NCP. If this struggle is evident for Northerners, people from other regions have even more poignant struggles and this is why the North needs to revolt. It needs to stand up for Sudan as a whole; it needs to stand up against the government with the rest of Sudan. Hundreds of thousands protested in Mahalla Al Kobra in Egypt in 2007 and 2008, but the protests only gained momentum when they reached Tahrir, in downtown Cairo. The revolution needs to start in Khartoum, in the national capital and the heartland of Sudan's power and wealth and it needs to represent Sudan's search not only for democracy, but most importantly for social justice.
If it was just about overthrowing the government, then Egyptians would have left Tahrir in February and moved on with their lives. They could have entrusted the military with their revolution and waited for the elections. But they did not. They are now in Tahrir, losing their eyes and sacrificing their lives for total change and to be freed of a military rule? And why is that?
After overthrowing the Mubarak regime, they realized that the pursuit of social justice and democracy is not limited to removing a military dictatorship. If Egypt is ever going to have a proper democracy, it needs to have a civilian government and the military has controlled Egypt since its 1952 revolution. As we learn from Tahrir, we need to realize that Sudan doesn’t need an armed revolt, it needs a peaceful revolt. It needs a Tahrir moment followed by a civilian government. The military should be respected for its responsibilities, 1-to fight an invading army 2- to help the government during natural disasters.
On the other hand, the SRF wants an armed revolt to overthrow the government and take over power. We tell you, an armed liberation movement like the SRF is exactly like a military dictatorship with a better name. There is vast amount of literature opposing armed struggles as liberation movements capable of bringing about change. They end up growing into repressive dictatorships. This is the last thing needed in Sudan. If the SRF is made up of movements interested in improving the quality of life for their respective citizens and acquiring fair political representation, then they need to support a peaceful revolt in Khartoum and beyond.
Moving on to the second debate, it is important to note that the fears harbored by the Northern-Central Sudanese population are exacerbated by the government, the media and sadly, the periphery. In the opinion pieces published by Sudan Tribune, the opposition and JEM-affiliates seem to harbor anti-Northern sentiments.
In a recently published opinion piece entitled: The Sudanese Revolutionary Front- Right Way to the United and New Sudan. The author started off by discussing some misconceptions about the "Arab North", but ultimately ended up doing the same mistake as all the others he's criticizing. He started off by saying that the often misunderstood problem in Sudan is essentially a problem of racism implanted by a discriminating regime, and that the people of Khartoum themselves (often vilified in media) are victims of such a misconception. Agreed. However, he goes on to make the same mistake by singling out and targeting the “people of River Nile State” and accusing them of amplifying and imposing their 'Arab history and origins' on all of Sudan. We are wary of that approach as it just perpetuates this whole Arab North vs. Rest of Sudan dilemma. Sudan has tribal issues, however, we do not think that the Sudanese population want to disenfranchise any specific tribe economically or politically. It's a matter of social tribalism that has been inflated by this current regime and not the people of River Nile State and could be assuaged by a visionary leader/party who has the interest of the whole country at heart.
Hope and Change
As a conscious group of authors, we seriously doubt that the NCP is capable of reforms. Years of trying to negotiate with the NCP have been a total waste of time. The end result, usually a hefty publication with guidelines on how to end Sudan's disasters, is stored in a drawer or is somewhere gathering dust on a shelf. The NCP is interested in staying in power and if dialogue buys them time, they would engage in it for this reason, not because they are interested in changing their policies.
It is sad that under the NCP's watch, Sudan lost 25% of its population, it is even sadder that so far, it is not learning from its mistakes. This is why Sudan needs change; Sudan needs CPR in the form of a revolution. Only a regime-change will put it on the right track, to solving its internal conflicts and transitioning into a proper state instead of a governmental company where ministries and institutes are businesses.
Thursday, April 7, 2011
No to Oppressing Women- unpublished article
Source:- http://www.givesomethingbig.com/images/SudanWomenProtest.jpg
****This article was written last December. It was never officially published
Samira Mahdi, a member of Inclusive Security, one of the founders of the initiative for Sudanese Women in Politics and a member of UNDP's initiative for female politicians arrived at the Ministry of Justice at 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday the 14th of December with two other activists to submit a memorandum calling for the abolition of the public order laws in protest of a leaked video showing a girl being brutally lashed while onlookers laughed and did nothing. The three activists were entrusted to hand in this document before the protest starts at 11 p.m.
Upon arrival, they were shocked to find the protest police at the site carrying their shields and fully equipped because the organizers were given permission from the police to hold a silent protest and the streets they would use during the march were also agreed upon beforehand.
“ They didn’t let us inside the building so we sat down and waited for other protesters. We sat on the floor wearing our white headbands and carrying banners that read “no for women’s oppression” and we were silent,” said Mahdi.
After the protest started growing, 6 trucks full of police officers dressed as civilians, the trademark of the public order police, arrived at the scene and demanded from the protesters to get up.
“When we refused and remained silent, they forced us to get up. They were literally carrying us off the floor, some women were seniors citizens like me and some were young, but it was very aggressive and some women fought back to no avail,” recalled Mahdi.
Mahdi took a strong stance and refused to get into the car. The police officer told her to go home, but she did not. She walked to the Northern police station where she figured they would be taken and made quick calls to lawyers and political leaders from all parties.
“ The first thing they did was take their phones away from them, but two smart women hid their phones in their bras and this was how we were able to contact them,” said Mahdi
She added that 100 lawyers came to the station to defend the women and bail them out. They were imprisoned from 11 p.m. to 4:30 p.m.
“ We could hear the women signing patriotic songs reminiscent of the independence and the 1964 revolution that led to democracy,” said Mahdi
No case was filed against the protesters until now even though the police forces vied to prosecute them.
Some activists had to seek medical help after the arrests.
Magdi El Gizouli, a Sudanese journalist, blogger and analyst who wrote about the video girl in his daily column in the citizen newspaper believes that the video is a representation of the presence of patriarchy in Sudan.
“The crowd watching including the judge were quite amused one must admit. I do not think the question here is restricted to how the state and its disciplinary institutions behave towards women, but how society at large perceives and deals with the female body,” he told me in an email.
Since coming to power following a bloodless coup in 1989, a government calling itself the national salvation government embarked on “the civilization project” an attempt to reshape the Sudanese nation by introducing a number of new social laws. The public order laws were born in 1991 and they put Sudanese individuals, especially women, at risk of getting arrested, jailed and lashed through a number of ambiguous laws.
The woman getting lashed in the video was persecuted under article 152 of the criminal act laws of 1991 which states that police officers responsible for fighting social corruption have the right to arrest, fine and lash a woman if she is dressed indecently.
“ It is up to the man arresting you to decide what is decent and what is not. It all depends on his personal judgment. We don’t know what to wear anymore, “ said Sally Ahmed*, whose sister was lashed over ten years ago when the public order police barged into their university and arrested many girls at random.
Ahmed added that the officers would actually park their cars in front of their university to harass girls as they leave the campus. The university in question is known for its liberal education and for its activism for gender equality.
After years of being subjected to abuse, Sudanese women were finally inspired by the well-known case of Lubna Hussein, a Sudanese journalist persecuted under article 152 in 2008.
No to women’s oppression, a coalition to campaign against the public order laws was formed to protest the case of Lubna and the coalition continued campaigning against the law and was the main organizer of last Tuesday’s protest.
According to a source in the national police, the video was released to tarnish the reputation of Sudan.
Merely a week after the government claimed to have started investigating the video and the punishment carried out on the girl, President Bashir endorsed the punishment in an official speech and told the Sudanese public to pray and revise their understanding of religion.
The lashed girl in the video and the case of Lubna Hussein sparked national and international outcry, however, the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) puts the number of women lashed in the last year and a half at about 42,000.
Al Gizouli believes that the idea of lashing to public order officers is beyond the execution of a judicial punishment.
“ The audience and the actors, with the exception of the woman, were having fun. This was parody and not punishment. One could sense the obscene joy of male figures observing the disciplining of a female body. You could name it the pornography of punishment,” he told me.
Thursday, April 2, 2009
Sudan's new envoy
His name is Scott Gration and he is America's new envoy to Sudan. They said he is the perfect man for the job since he grew up in the Congo and he speaks Swahili.....
Is Sudan the Congo and do we speak Swahili?:S
Thursday, September 4, 2008
A Long Overdue Note.
The ICC issued charges against my president for war crimes and genocide...old news!
It's hard for me to write about it because I'm in the grey area right now. It brought the Sudanese together and the overwhelming majority are against the ICC's verdict to indict Bashir ( note:-We all dislike the government, but for the average Sudanese, it was a verdict against Sudan more than its head of state). We are patriotic as hell. The international community doesn't know that. So the anti-Ocampo protests surprised them.
I want to see Bashir rotting in jail , but if he promised to LEAVE US THE HELL ALONE, I personally don't mind giving him amnesty. He should bugger off and allow the formation of another transitional-government.
The international community is happy about this decision( keep in mind, most of them know nothing about Sudan and Sudanese politics). They probably don't know that Bashir is just a puppet. He didn't even go to university for crying out loud! But he is surrounded with Oxford,Cambridge and Sorbonne-educated advisers. Many of them are lawyers and they know all about international law. They know how to break the laws and get away with it.
Bashir deserves what he got, but a part of me feels that he shouldn't go down alone. He is not the mastermind.
Never mind...... I'm off to watch Bones....
It's hard for me to write about it because I'm in the grey area right now. It brought the Sudanese together and the overwhelming majority are against the ICC's verdict to indict Bashir ( note:-We all dislike the government, but for the average Sudanese, it was a verdict against Sudan more than its head of state). We are patriotic as hell. The international community doesn't know that. So the anti-Ocampo protests surprised them.
I want to see Bashir rotting in jail , but if he promised to LEAVE US THE HELL ALONE, I personally don't mind giving him amnesty. He should bugger off and allow the formation of another transitional-government.
The international community is happy about this decision( keep in mind, most of them know nothing about Sudan and Sudanese politics). They probably don't know that Bashir is just a puppet. He didn't even go to university for crying out loud! But he is surrounded with Oxford,Cambridge and Sorbonne-educated advisers. Many of them are lawyers and they know all about international law. They know how to break the laws and get away with it.
Bashir deserves what he got, but a part of me feels that he shouldn't go down alone. He is not the mastermind.
Never mind...... I'm off to watch Bones....
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